Since Alexander Lukashenko’s 6th re-election as president last August, women have played an important part in the protest movement against him, including at the head of opposition parties, with the “female triumvirate” formed by Svetlana Tikhanovskaya, Veronika Tsepkalo and Maria Kolesnikova.
The presidential elections in Belarus were scheduled for August 9, 2020, and preparations to ensure incumbent President, Alexander Lukashenko, won again began much earlier. His two main rivals, Viktor Babariko, former head of Belgazprombank and Valery Tsepkalo, founder of Belarus High Technologies Park, were prevented from registering as candidates back in May. The Belarussian CEC (Central Election Committee) declared over half the signatures collected by each candidate to support their candidacy, were invalid. Viktor Babariko was also accused of concealing income.
None of this is new from Belarus authorities when sabotaging their competitors. Another rising candidate, blogger Sergei Tikhanovsky, was detained for several days before the deadline for registration, and at the very last moment his wife, Svetlana, an interpreter and mother of two, stepped in as a substitute and was accepted by the CEC.
Lukashenko has been in power for 25 years now and is said to have won his five previous terms by eliminating anyone who stands a chance against him. The difference this time is that the opposition came together against his blatantly unfair strategy.
Valery Tsepkalo's wife Veronica and the coordinator of Victor Babariko's headquarters Maria Kolesnikova, decided to unite with Svetlana Tikhanovskaya, forming the so-called “female triumvirate”. Anna, an active protester, believes “the authorities didn’t hinder [Svetlana Tikhanovskaya], and the other opposition parties decided to support her, precisely because she is a woman. They didn’t see her as a threat, since she is believed to have no political ambitions of her own.” Thus Tikhanovskaya became the candidate for all opposition-minded voters and the face of an unprecedented movement in the country.
When provisional results were first announced, giving Lukashenko the presidency with 80% votes in his favor, mass protests began immediately. People headed to city centers, straight from the polling stations or from home with no real plan. These disorganized gatherings resulted only in violent clashes with riot police, internal troops and special forces, which had been immediately mobilized to disperse demonstrations using any means – tear gas, stun grenades, water cannons and rubber bullets. Over seven thousand people were detained in just three days. Detainees reported massive beatings and torture.
The first organized protest took place on August 12, in Minsk. School-age girls, women, mothers and grandmothers took to the streets in white clothes and with flowers to show their opposition to the violent response to peaceful protests. The very next day they were joined by women from all over Belarus. This protest changed the course of events: since August 13, there has been a lot less violence against protesters.
Belarusian women have since formed their own protest movement, gathering every Saturday. Their marches are distinctive for their creative use of national symbols, costumes, and traditions. As one of the women’s protest movement organizers, Yuliya, explains: “On August 12, we weren’t protesting against the election results or current government, we were demonstrating against violence. The plan was for everyone to be dressed in white: we relied on the well-known stereotype that ‘female strength is in weakness’, and a woman in white with flowers would be an ultimate symbol of vulnerability. But many wore vyshyvankas (embroidered shirt, part of Belarusian, Ukrainian, and Russian national costumes) because they are also white just with red embroidery. It added a little political note to the protest.”
Lukashenko came to power almost immediately after the collapse of the USSR. While other former republics took the path of nationalization - recovering their national languages, state symbols, dismantling monuments, etc. - Belarus made Russian the second state language and kept its Soviet flag. Lukashenko uses Soviet rhetoric to legitimize his power. On the contrary, a white flag with a red stripe, used by Belarus before it became the Soviet Republic, is now used by the opposition. Then, Yuliya explains: “We started to include other national symbols and traditions into our protests, that in no way refer to this police state.”
Women formed marches and chains of solidarity, handed out flowers to the riot police. Some went further and embraced soldiers, wept on their shoulders. The use of national symbols included rolling out pumpkins to the House of Government, an old custom showing that the bride does not like the groom. Such allusions to gender relations were used a lot by protesters in chants and posters: “You cannot win love by force”, “if you love her [Belarus], let her go,” they argue.
One could be surprised to learn that until recently women were the backbone of Lukashenko’s regime. Gender-based inequality is prominent in the Belarusian society. The wage gap between men and women is above 20% and there is even a list of over 180 professions forbidden to women. This can explain why women have been more inclined than men to rely on the help and care of the state, which until recently Lukashenko tried to embody. During the previous election, in 2015, women made up 63% of his supporters.
Sociology Professor Elena Gapova, head of the Center for Gender Studies of the European Humanities University comments: “Just like in other ‘Slavic’ republics of the former USSR, the female population in Belarus is much older than the male population. This is due to the shorter life expectancy of men. Elder people are much more likely to support the government and its conservative values (in post-Soviet countries this happens to be the left). Many women were more willing than men to vote for Lukashenko since he promised (and to a large extent implemented) a welfare state. Women all over the world tend to vote for stability rather than change.”
As one protester explains, talking about her change of mind and her motivation to fight: “We cannot know for sure that the new government will improve the status of women in the country, but I think we will no longer timidly wait for it to do so. Now that we have seen what power female solidarity has, we will stand up for our rights under any government.”